|
|
Total Tax Burden, 1966--1985: Pechman
This page summarizes Joseph A. Pechman's
Who Paid the Taxes, 1966--1985? (reference [3]),
which attempts to answer two questions:
- How high is the total tax burden (federal, state, and local)?
- How does the burden vary with income?
The book summarizes its own findings as follows ([3], p. 10):
The U.S. tax system is either moderately progressive or slightly
regressive, depending on the incidence assumptions for the major
taxes. If the corporation income tax and property tax are
assumed to be borne by capital, the very rich pay higher average
effective tax rates than does the average family. If these
taxes are assumed to be shifted to consumers to a considerable
degree, the very rich pay lower effective tax rates than the
average family.
The tax system has relatively little effect on the distribution
of income. In contrast, the transfer system has a significant
equalizing effect.
The tax system became less progressive between 1966 and 1985,
primarily because the corporation income tax and the property
tax declined in importance while more emphasis was placed on
the payroll tax.
The transfer system includes all transfer payments
such as Social Security benefits, Medicare, and Medicaid.
The effective tax rates described here consist of
the total tax burden of a family, divided by the family's
income. To investigate
how progressive or regressive taxes in the US are, families
are ranked by their annual income.
It is important to note that
- The tax burden on a family is more than the taxes directly
paid by the family, because of the phenomenon of
tax shifting.
- The income imputed to a family is calculated using a broad
economic definition and hence is possibly considerably
larger than the family's perception of its
own income.
The book provides tax rates for 1966, 1970, 1975, 1980, and 1985.
The results for 1980 and 1985 involve suitably projecting the
data for 1975.
Because any distributional analysis of tax burdens must make
certain assumptions, the figures arrived at in [3] most likely differ
from other such tables, though it is possible that the overall patterns
and trends would be similar.
Who Paid the Taxes, 1966--1985? is essentially a
sequel to reference [2].
Taxpaying units
Families, rather than individuals or households, are the
fundamental unit of analysis. (That is, effective tax rates
are families' tax burdens divided by their incomes.)
Income is defined more broadly here as "adjusted family
income," in an attempt to mirror
a common economic definition of
income.<1>
It includes:
- wages, interest, dividends, rents, business profits
- capital gains (both realized and unrealized)
- net imputed rent on owner-occupied
dwellings<2>
- employer pension contributions (from private and public sector
employers)
- employer contributions to health plans
- government transfer payments (Social Security benefits,
Medicare, Medicaid, food stamps, etc.)
- indirect business taxes, apportioned between families based on
the incidence assumptions used (see below)
The definition does not include
- gifts and
bequests<3>
- distributions from private pension plans and
annuities<4>
- distributions from government employee retirement plans not
financed by payroll taxes
It must be emphasized that family income as defined here can be
considerably larger than what is usually perceived as income.
Taxes
Taxes considered include those raised by the federal, state, and
local governments. They include taxes of the following types:
- personal income tax
- corporate income tax
- sales and excise taxes
- property taxes (on land and improvements)
- payroll taxes (remitted by both the employee and employer)
The following are not included as taxes:
- customs duties, estate and gift
taxes<5>
- nontax receipts such as public university tuition, fees charged
by public hospitals, etc.
This study portrays the distribution of tax burdens, not government
benefits. Hence, transfer payments, while considered part of
family income, are not "taxes." (For example, Social Security payments are
not counted as negative tax liabilities.)
The incidence of a particular tax refers to the
ultimate bearer of the burden of the tax. This may not be
identical to the person or business who actually remits the
tax to the government because of the phenomenon of
tax shifting.
Tax shifting, while an important
object of study, is often hard to verify and account for.
Consider, for example, payroll taxes, some of which
are remitted by the employee (meaning the taxes are taken
out of the paycheck), and some by the employer. Almost
all economists agree that the employee share of payroll
taxes is born by the employee. However, economists also
almost uniformly agree that the employer share of payroll
taxes falls not on the employing business, but rather
on the employee: the employer shifts the burden to the
employee by lowering her paycheck a corresponding amount.
(This shifting may not be conscious; rather, it reflects
supply and demand in the labor market.)
The assignment of tax incidence can be a controversial subject.
One virtue of Who Paid the Taxes, 1966--1985? is that
computations are made using eight different sets of incidence
assumptions, spanning most of the range of views of economists.
All eight sets make the following three assmptions:
- The burden of personal income taxes falls on the taxpayer.
- The burden of a sales or excise tax falls on the consumer.
- The burden of payroll taxes remitted by employees
(i.e., taken directly out of paychecks from gross wages and
salaries) falls on the employee.
For the remaining types of taxes, only two of the eight sets of
assumptions are described, that which makes the overall
burden most progressive and that which makes it most regressive.
Table 1: Differing incidence assumptions
| Tax |
Most progressive assumptions |
Most regressive assumptions |
| Corporate income tax |
Half on dividends, half on property income in general |
Half on property income in general, half on consumption |
| Property tax on land |
Property income in general |
Landowners |
| Property tax on improvements |
Property income in general |
Shelter and consumption |
| Payroll tax on employers |
Employees |
Half on employees, half on consumption |
The largest differences in the results stem from differences in
assumptions of the incidence of the corporate income taxes and
property taxes on land and improvements.
One limitation of the study is that incomes are considered only
over a single year, since this is not necessarily the best measure
of a family's well-being, and family incomes can oscillate
from year to year. One effect of this drawback is that the tax
burden can appear highly regressive at the very bottom of the income
distribution.
The graphs and table using progressive assumptions use the overall
most progressive set of incidence assumptions (see above).
Similarly, the graphs and tables using regressive assumptions use
the overall most regressive set of incidence assumptions.
In the graphs below, actual data values only exist for each
income group (first decile, second decile, ..., top 1%). Instead
of plotting points only, the points are connected by straight
lines to make reading the graph easier, but the reader should
understand that there is no actual underlying data there.
Notes
- The first decile includes only the 6th to 9th percentiles.
- Averages over all deciles include families with negative
incomes that are not shown in the breakdown by decile.
Data source
The data for Graph 1 were taken from Tables 4-10 and A-1 through
A-4 of [3].
Notes
- The first decile includes only the 6th to 9th percentiles.
- Averages over all deciles include families with negative
incomes that are not shown in the breakdown by decile.
Data source
The data for Graph 2 were taken from Tables 4-10 and A-1 through
A-4 of [3].
This table shows lists the lowest adjusted family income
in each income grouping in Graphs 1 and 2 above. The income
depends on the tax incidence assumptions used.
Decile (or percentile) |
Adjusted family income (1980 dollars) |
Using progressive assumptions | Using regressive assumptions |
| First | 0 | 0 |
| Second | 7,300 | 7,400 |
| Third | 11,750 | 12,000 |
| Fourth | 16,533 | 16,850 |
| Fifth | 21,200 | 21,655 |
| Sixth | 26,100 | 26,650 |
| Seventh | 31,100 | 31,750 |
| Eighth | 36,850 | 37,650 |
| Ninth | 44,850 | 45,700 |
| Tenth | 60,000 | 60,900 |
| Top 5 percent | 80,000 | 80,500 |
| Top 1 percent | 175,000 | 175,000 |
Notes
- The lower limit of the first decile is actually negative.
- Reference [3] provides this data for 1980 only.
Data source
The data for Table 2 were taken from Table 4-5 of [3].
| <1> |
From p. 11 of [3]: "Economists define income as the
amount an individual can spend during a particular time period and still
have the same net assets (valued in money terms) at the end of the period
as at the beginning."
|
| <2> |
This is defined in reference [1] as follows:
"Net imputed rent on
owner-occupied housing is the net income (positive or negative)
a homeowner would receive if he or she rented to him or herself. ...
[Its] inclusion is necessary to insure comparable rankings by 'well-being'
(income) between homeowners and renters. Net imputed rent is gross rent
minus the costs of home ownership (mortgage interest payments, property
taxes, depreciation, maintenance, and repairs)."
|
| <3> |
Gifts and bequests are excluded due to lack of data
(see [3], p. 12).
|
| <4> |
Contributions to private and government pension and retirement plans are
counted as income in the year they are made. Payments from such plans
are not considered income but rather an exchange of assets in the form
of plan balances or insurance assets for cash (which is another asset)
(see [3], pp. 13--14).
|
| <5> |
Customs duties were excluded because their purpose is "primarily to
discourage imports rather than increase government income."
Estate and gift taxes are excluded due to lack of data. See
[3], p. 16.
|
|